Star Wars: Can we really trust this well-funded Rebel Alliance?

If you find the nightly news a bit too depressing these days, why not pop down to the cinema and watch the new Star Wars film, Rogue One?

The latest instalment of the blockbuster series sees a well-funded rebel army, fuelled by religious dogma and a willingness for self-sacrifice, take on an authoritarian regime that is slowly losing its grip on a vast and multi-ethnic territory.

Where do these script writers get their ideas?

Rogue One: A Star Wars Story(Donnie Yen) Ph: Film Frame ©Lucasfilm LFL

Rebel fighters shouting about being guided by ‘the force’ take on soldiers of an authoritarian regime. Nothing like this has ever happened in real life.

Thankfully we can go to the cinema and lose ourselves in this escapism safe in the knowledge that nothing as far-fetched could ever happen in real life.

If it did happen – let’s just throw caution to the wind here – Star Wars would clearly precondition us to support the rebels.

For a start, we are assured that they are fighting a cruel and tyrannical regime. The precise details are never elaborated on, and there isn’t a whole lot in the way of evidence aside from some over-zealous policing and a bit of loose talk about wanting to engage in a genocide.

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Jyn Erso: She leads a good insurrection but few question her politics.

Still, we believe the rebel’s narrative, mostly because their two leaders look like they have just stepped off a Benetton ad. Here, the rebel alliance displays a masterly understanding of the value of propaganda. Jyn Erso and Cassian Andor are a modern day Fidel and Ché. Cassian even has that Latin American brogue that is so hard to resist, even when it’s scolding you for stepping outside its rigid centrally planned economic model.

Jyn and Cassian are heroes we can believe in, primarily because they’d look really good hanging from the walls of student bedsits. The film makes clear that among their tactics are suicide bombing, kidnapping and a ruthless shoot-to-kill policy directed against all regime collaborators, but they’re the compromises you make for the sake of inter-galactic geo-politics.

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Cassian Andor: Never revealed to the rebel fighters his dogmatic belief in centrally-planned economies.

The regime, on the other hand, is led by a tight band of elderly men who look a bit like the Rolling Stones after a particularly heavy night on the sauce. They aren’t going to capture the Millennials wearing those robes.

The rebels have won the propaganda battle long before a shot is fired. But many questions go unasked.

For example, the rebels have no shortage of fighter jets but who exactly is funding them? Saudi, probably.

There are also many aspects of the story that aren’t shown at all. Scenes filmed in the markets in Jedha show the extent of the civilian population, yet when the markets are destroyed by warring factions the film completely ignores the bureaucratic challenges of resettling them elsewhere.

Many people on Planet Jedha have legitimate concerns about the need to look after their own homeless first, but this is completely ignored by the film. That’s the corporate media for you.

Also missing was a thorough analysis of the internal conflict within Jedha’s left-wing community as they struggle to define a policy position due to a lack of clarity about what America’s role in the slaughter is.

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Sure, they’ve got giant walking tanks that roam civilian areas firing lasers at anything that moves, but we have a homeless problem and charity does begin at home.

The film also makes little attempt to understand the challenges and constraints facing the regime. Sure, not everything they have done has been perfect but since when was government easy?

An alternative telling of the story would see Darth Vadar and the Emperor struggle to maintain a broad alliance of disparate ethnic and religious groups, all the while being undermined by fundamentalists who attempts to fly planes directly into their headquarters.

As it happens, that’s what’s being shown in cinemas in Moscow this Christmas.

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The regime leadership: Nobody said it would be easy to maintain order in such a vast and multi-ethnic territory but they’re doing their best.

It could be, of course, that Star Wars is based on real events. In fact, there is a distinct possibility that the George Lucas creation has been foretelling Middle Eastern politics for the best part of 40 years.

The Empire Strikes Back was a clear reference to the upcoming Iran-Iraq war, which began four months after the film’s release.

Likewise, Return of the Jedi clearly foretold the release of captured US pilot Bobby Goodman, who was released back to America from captivity in Lebanon within months of the film hitting cinema screens.

It has long been considered that 1979 – the year of the Iran revolution and the Russian invasion of Afghanistan – was the pivotal year in modern Middle Eastern politics, but could it be that 1977, with the release of the first Lucas instalment, was the actual turning point?

The next Star Wars film is due for release in 2018. It is due to focus on Han Solo and, according to its website, will document how a “thieve, smuggler and scoundrel” can rise to prominence.

Thankfully nothing as far-fetched could ever happen in real life.

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The serene madness of Gaza

The horse leaps into the air, obediently following the young woman’s command to jump the fence. Every so often the dull thud of his hoofs hitting the ground coincides with an air strike. Nobody aside from me seems to notice when it does, but, then again, nobody else seems to be paying any attention to the air strikes at all, least of all the horse.

Gaza feels normal, and that’s the strangest thing about it. People are going about their days – buying clothes, playing football on the beach, eating ice-cream with friends. Car horns honk relentlessly. At the Faisal Equestrian Centre young girls in jodhpurs ride horses while their parents sip coffee.

In the distance is the war. Mortars, rockets and missiles fly overhead; from Gaza into Israel, from Israel into Gaza. Below, the people get on with their lives.

The peppering of the afternoon sky with artillery fire is so unremarkable that nobody appears to notice it. The young girl on horseback doesn’t miss a single step. When I ask our driver about it, he appears not yet to have registered that it is happening.

This is just a regular Thursday.

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A horse parades on the beach in Gaza. (Photo: Eoghan Rice)

There is a serene madness to Gaza. It is simultaneously the most normal and the most dysfunctional place you’ve ever been. People smile in the streets but you sense that inside they are crying or screaming, or probably both. That is Gaza’s great trick: masking its madness behind a veneer of normality.

There are two realities to Gaza: the one you see, and the one that actually is.

The illusion begins at the Erez border crossing. Erez is spacious, modern and designed to accommodate large volumes of commuter traffic. It’s also completely deserted, because while Erez was built to facilitate large numbers of people, the blockade of Gaza ensures that it does not.

The illusion and the reality.

Inside Gaza, the pretence continues. The streets are vibrant. For a moment you’re embarrassed that you thought they would be anything else. At first, only the little things give it away.

You notice that there are no planes in the sky and you remember that there is a blockade on Gaza’s airspace, as well as its sea and land ports.

You see people sitting on steps staring into the distance and you remember that Gaza has the highest unemployment rate in the world.

You spot the bags of maize resting outside warehouses and you remember that 80 per cent of Gaza’s population receives humanitarian aid.

You realise that in Gaza all is not what it seems.

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People try to get on with their lives as best as possible in Gaza but it does not take long to sense their frustrations. (Photo: Eoghan Rice)

Under the shade down at the pier a young man sits under a sky where no planes can fly and stares out to a sea where no ships can sail. Behind him, the far side of Gaza’s narrow sliver, stand eight metre high walls that form a semi-circle, locking him and his 1.8 million fellow inhabitants into this tiny parcel of land.

Our presence peeks his interest. He walks over and tells us his problems.

He is 22. He has no job, no income and no possibility of leaving. His wife gave birth to twins last year but one of them died. He doesn’t elaborate, although it’s not hard to wonder whether given a functioning health service this would have been the outcome.

“My life here is like a prison,” he says. “There is nothing for me here.”

He says that sometimes he wants to die, and I believe him.

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A young woman stares out to sea on the beach in Gaza. Boats are only allowed to travel six nautical miles out from the coast. (Photo: Eoghan Rice)

Less than two kilometres away, Sr. Bridget Tighe stands in a narrowly lane. Doorways line her path. Behind each doorway is a family, each one packed into one or two rooms. Sr. Bridget is from Sligo but for 18 months has called Gaza home.

She runs a health centre for children. Many young people here are severely traumatised. Any child in Gaza over the age of 8 has already survived three major wars. The last one, in 2014, saw 2,200 people killed over the space of 54 days.

But the trauma here runs deeper than the mental scars of war. This is a trauma borne from being trapped.

Gaza is less than one quarter the size of Leitrim but is home to a population equivalent to that of Northern Ireland. Very few of them are eligible for permits to leave. The vast majority are trapped into a tiny strip of land that is crumbling at the seams.

Sr. Bridget says that people aren’t angry any more, they are just depressed. Speak with people and that becomes evident. You mention that you are returning to Jerusalem in the morning and their eyes fill with sadness. It is an hour up the road but it may as well be another world.

We meet one young man, a Christian, who was granted a temporary visa to visit Bethlehem during Easter. He diverted to Tel Aviv. What did he do there? “Drank beer on the beach,” he says with just about the biggest grin you can imagine.

A black sense of humour prevails. We tell one young man that we hope to meet him again next time we are in Gaza. “Don’t worry,” he said, “I’m not going anywhere”.

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Gaza Parkour Club entertain crowds at the beach in Gaza. (Photo: Eoghan Rice)

Back on the beach, a group of young people jump from walls, performing elaborate somersaults as they fall into the sand. This is Gaza’s Parkour Club; the strip’s chapter of the urban sport which sees people leap across buildings unaided by safety equipment. During the war they did it from rubble but these days the beach is their playground.

It’s a dangerous hobby – one of their friends was recently evacuated to hospital in Israel after breaking virtually every bone in his body – but it’s not hard to see why they do it. Sport is an escape. Each jump and each twist is cheered by an enthusiastic crowd. For a moment, at least, they are normal teenagers on a regular beach enjoying themselves.

Each time they jump, they leap into the illusion of what Gaza could be. Each time they land, they crash back into the reality of what it is.

Sometimes they land just as the air strikes hit. But they don’t seem to notice. Or perhaps they just no longer care.

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Brexit and borders: why Europe badly needs Euro 2016

Football fans can be tedious at the best of times, but we’re rarely as sanctimonious as when discussing the social, cultural and political importance of our game.

You thought that 22-year-old’s inability to clear the first man with a corner kick was down to poor training? I’m sure we can find somebody to tell you it’s symbolic of the colonisation his ancestors faced. Somebody, somewhere, is writing a blog about how the Syrian conflict could be ended through a robust game of three-and-in.

American Football has the Superbowl but Association Football has the Hyperbole.

All that notwithstanding, it really does feel that Europe badly needs Euro 2016. Not since the RAF was the main airliner in German skies has the continent been quite so dysfunctional.

Britain wants to leave. Austria and Slovakia are building borders. Poland and Hungary’s democracies look about as legitimate as a Fifa expenses claim. Greece is collapsing under EU-imposed austerity and a union-wide belief that a country’s obligation to protect refugees is entirely dependent on its geographical proximity to them. Across the continent, political forces are rising that are so archaic they make Martin O’Neill’s sense of humour seem forward-looking and progressive.

These are relatively grim times to be European. Opinion polls in Britain suggest that by the time we reach the knockout stages only 15 of the 24 countries taking part in Euro 2016 will be members of the EU. The fact that the Brexit vote is scheduled for just the day after the group stages end leaves open the tantalising prospect of England crashing out of Europe twice in a week. Those campaigning to remain in the EU will be hoping the count doesn’t go to penalties as that would surely seal their fate.

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For once many in England will be relishing an early exit from Europe.

Of course, the EU and the European Championship are not linked — one is a temporary coming together of independent nations which critics argue has grown too commercial and too large and the other is a sports competition — but the situation does highlight the extent of European disunity. Two countries taking part in Euro 2016 — Russia and Ukraine — are essentially at war with each other and could meet in a second round match in the Paris stadium where militants from one of the other competing countries — Belgium — attempted to massacre supporters of two others — France and Germany.

In the midst of all of this, football can play a positive role. Twenty-four countries, with a combined population of about 720 million people, will take part in a sporting celebration over the coming weeks. A significant number of the participating countries — including the hosts, France — are increasingly internally divided. It is difficult to think of anything with a greater unifying potential than an international football tournament simply because football is the one thing that people from all backgrounds and cultures participate in. That may sound like a line from the sanctimonious football fan playbook, but it’s the truth.

According to the online NetBet Multicultural Championship tool, Romania is the only country in Euro 2016 whose squad is entirely comprised of players neither born outside of the country nor born to immigrants. Thirty-one players in the competition are representing a country other than their country of birth, while a further 96 are sons of immigrants. The website calculates that 65 per cent of the French squad have non-French backgrounds, while the figure for Belgium is 57 per cent.

Having both recently been victim of appalling acts of terror that have brought religious and ethnic differences to the fore, the streets of Belgium and France will, over the coming weeks, see immigrants and natives rally under one flag. The lasting impact that this will have is debatable — the feel-good factor generated by the multicultural French team who lifted the World Cup in 1998 did not appear to last — but it does give an opportunity, at least in the short-term, to foster a sense of unity.

On a wider level, Euro 2016 may just rekindle that sense of European identity that has always seemed a bit vague but over recent times has begun to vanish entirely.

Of course, there is always the chance that the sporting rivalry will serve only to remind us how much we hate each other — that Austria’s clash with Iceland will reopen old wounds over the awful war of 1235 we’d all forgotten about, or that by Wednesday evening the streets of Tirana will be thronged with people burning croissants after another Gallic handball. Stranger things have happened. Greece won the bloody thing in 2004.

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Euro 2004: the most unlikely event in European history, and arguably the most tragic.

But maybe this can be a tournament to bring us together. Maybe this can be a tournament where a Belgian of Arab descent, an Austrian forward born in Pakistan and a Muslim midfielder wearing the blue of France can make people realise that diversity is strength.

It’s a long shot, but sometimes in football that’s all you have.

First published on TheTimes.ie on June 9th, 2016.

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This isn’t a revolution. It’s a mess.

Richard Boyd-Barrett says it’s a political earthquake.

He made the claim having just been elected to the new Dáil in the Dun Laoghaire constituency, a constituency which saw the combined vote for centre-right parties rise from 28,223 in 2011 to 34,261 in 2016 and the combined vote for left-wing parties fall from 25,579 to 21,612 over the same timeframe.

Even taking Labour out of the equation – for he would doubtless claim that Labour are not a left-wing party – the combined vote of the Anti-Austerity Alliance and Sinn Fein was 12,942, roughly one-third that of the two conservative giants of Irish politics.

Boyd-Barrett’s own result was exceptional – he increased his vote by almost 50% – but that doesn’t disguise the fact that Dun Laoghaire is in no danger of being declared a Soviet. That is perhaps something he can reflect over when sharing a taxi to the Dáil with his three constituency colleagues, all of whom are members of Fine Gael.

Filipino student protesters wearing masks raise their clenched f

Voters in Kildare North do their part for the revolution by putting two Fianna Fail TDs back in the Dáil.

He wasn’t the only person losing the run of themselves. Fintan O’Toole declared the election a victory for social democracy – yes, that’s right, the same election which saw the loss of 31 social democrat seats – while Twitter was ablaze with people hailing it as a victory for the Repeal the 8th campaign, despite the fact that the only party to commit itself to that campaign was almost completely wiped out.

I wrote recently about how people look back at the 1916 Rising and see only what they want to see. It seems that the same is also true of current affairs. People look at the election results and see a complete vindication of whatever agenda they are trying to push.

The truth is that this was not a very good election for the Irish left.

Let’s look at the figures.

In the 2011 general election, Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the deputies who would later form Renua attracted 1,188,986 votes. This time around, that figure was almost identical: 1,110,148.

Meanwhile, the number of people who voted for left wing parties (Labour, Sinn Fein, Green Party and the deputies who would go on to form the AAA/PBP and Social Democrats) over the two elections fell quite significantly from 741,817 to 642,478.

(The hard left will argue that Labour is not a left-wing party but they have also spent the last five years arguing that the people who voted for them in 2011 were, so no matter which way you look at it their voting figures should be included in this summary.)

While Sinn Fein and the AAA/PBP can be reasonably happy with their returns, overall the picture is quite grim for the left.

Following the 2011 election the left-wing parties had 55 seats. Today, they have 41.

Compare that with the other side of the ideological fence and you see that in 2011 the centre-right parties had 96 seats whereas today they have 94.

Sinn Féin has over 20 Dáil seats but the rest is divided between Labour, Social Democrats, AAA/PBP and the Greens. Between these groups there is an almost total lack of trust, which in many cases boarders on sheer hatred. The stated goal of the AAA/PBP is to destroy Labour, not Fine Gael, which is why their supporters spent the weekend celebrating as though they’d just taken down Ceausescu and not, in fact, secured the possibility of an Enda Kenny / Micheal Martin rotating Taoiseach.

Like a group of bald men fighting over a comb, the Irish left is entirely subsumed in pointless internal bickering. Nowhere was this highlighted more than in the Dublin Bay North constituency, where a collection of left-wing candidates fought each other for the spoils while Richard Bruton and Sean Haughey sailed into the sunset like newly weds.

I have previously written about how ridiculous all of this is.

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Date night was going so well until Rory told Sinead he believed in a state interventions to fund social justice but not necessarily a full workers’ republic.

The only logical way forward is for this squabbling to be put to one side and for the parties to work together. Sadly, however, the open hostility which exists between some of the people involved means it is probably more likely for Basher al-Assad and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi to go for Sunday lunch together.

The end result is that we have a centre-right block enjoying sustained levels of support and a left block who can’t agree on what time of day it is, let alone an economic platform.

This isn’t a revolution. This isn’t a victory for social democracy. This isn’t a win for feminism.

This is a mess.

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The sad tale of Roberto Mussi and the Labour Party

In his hometown of Massa, Roberto Mussi is still viewed with hatred and derision. People spit on him when he walks by. Shopkeepers refuse to serve him, and little children cry when his name is mentioned.

Mussi played right-back for Italy in the 1994 World Cup Final. Although he had a solid career, he wasn’t celebrated and few people would have selected him for a starting position.

Mussi will always be remembered for Roberto Baggio missing a penalty kick, thus handing the World Cup to Brazil. From his position at the bottom right of the pitch, Mussi spectacularly failed to prevent Baggio from missing the penalty.

When the tournament ended, his career limped on by nobody could forgive him for his role in Baggio missing the penalty. Today, across much of Italy, Roberto Mussi is still regarded as a hate figure for failing to stop Baggio’s error.

This story isn’t true.

MUSSI

Roberto Mussi: his failure to single-handedly win the World Cup will never be forgotten.

Roberto Mussi is, for all I know, a very nice and respected man. To be honest, I’d never heard of him until I Googled “Italian right-back 1994 World Cup final” a few moments ago.

The point is that it would be ridiculous to blame Mussi for Baggio’s missed penalty. While both were ultimately responsible for the result of the match, clearly Baggio had the greater influence.

If we can agree that right-backs are ultimately less influential in football matches than strikers, why do we continue to blame junior government parties for the decisions of senior government parties?

The debate around this week’s general election has ignored the fundamental truth that the Irish political system is based on compromise.

Ireland has a coalition political system. It’s a system of government that ensures nobody is really happy – the bigger party has to tolerate some things it doesn’t like in return for most of the things it does, while the smaller party has to tolerate a lot of things it doesn’t like in return for some of the things it does.

It’s ridiculous, but so is life.

Only twice in the last 43 years has one party ruled – one of these governments bankrupted the state and the other lasted for eight months. Both were Fianna Fáil.

The only certainty we know about Friday’s election is that it will result in two, three or four of the seven parties currently in the Dáil being forced into relatively unhappy lives together. None will be able to get their way all of the time. None will be able to do all of what they are telling you they will.

Our elections determine which parties will be forced to compromise with each other, and what weighting they will be given in those negotiations.

Why do we continue with the lunacy of pretending all government parties agree with all of government policy when the entire system is designed to ensure they do not?

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This boy is clearly responsible for this boulder rolling down the hill. Like the Labour party, he is a monster.

More importantly, why do we insist on repeatedly battering junior coalition members over the head when the simple reality is a) they can’t get everything they want in government, and b) they have to tolerate decisions they don’t like simply because they are outnumbered in cabinet.

Labour is currently being punished for not being able to implement 100% of its policies with 20% of the national vote. Our failure to grasp the problem here suggests that perhaps the Silicon Valley executives are right when they say Ireland needs to invest more in the teaching of mathematics.

Regardless of which party you vote for, we know three undeniable truths:

1) The best they can hope for is to be sitting around a table with another party they don’t particularly like trying to figure out a compromise government.

2) This compromise will ensure that they will not be able to implement all of what they are telling you they will.

3) When the next government ends, we will all lampoon them for failing to implement 100% of their policies.

Why are we so determined to ignore the simple reality of the system that governs us?

Why are we so determined to give Roberto Mussi the Number 2 jersey and then blame him for not being able to beat Brazil on his own?

 

 

 

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Let’s not pretend the 1916 Rising was about water charges or smashing the patriarchy

Which moment of the 1916 Rising will you most celebrate: the bit when The O’Rahilly charged down Moore Street shouting about Irish Water, or the bit when Padraig Pearse used his last breath to berate the British for the lack of gender balance on the firing squad?

As we get closer to the centenary of the 1916 Rising, the list of causes the Rising leaders stood for will steadily grow.

We got a taster of this last year when it was claimed that the passing of same-sex marriage would be a fitting way to pay tribute to the Rising. The passing of the referendum was a hugely important moment in Irish social history but it does seem questionable to claim it as the legacy of former Ancient Order of Hibernians member Sean MacDermott.

The coming months will see the patriot dead unwittingly intervene in a range of policy debates and current affairs. The Government will tell us that the Rising leaders fought for employment and economic prosperity, while the Opposition will declare that Plunkett and MacDonagh would have opposed the property tax and probably not liked Denis O’Brien very much.

Without doubt an election candidate in a rural constituency will contrast the importance of the GPO with recent government policy towards their local post office. Somebody will probably reveal Thomas Clarke’s opinion pedestrianisation of College Green.

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The 1916 commemorations will reopen old wounds about the closure of rural post offices.

The difficulty with commemorations is that we tend to use them in order to publicise the bits of history we think will best serve our current agenda. How closely this tallies with what actually happened is a secondary concern.

That is why we will hear much about all the good stuff in the Proclamation and not so much of the ultra-nationalistic jargon that accompanied it. Don’t expect to see “#bloodsacrifice” trending any time soon.

The new RTÉ series Rebellion, which is based on the events of Easter Week 1916 in Dublin, provides a glimpse of this. The main characters in the series are all Irish Citizen Army members (i.e. socialists) and predominantly female, promoting an interpretation of the Rising as a gender-equal popular revolt against the ruling class.

Rebellion is a thoroughly enjoyable series and an excellent dramatic production but we have to accept that the main characters are not representative of most people who manned the barricades that week.

Just over 2,500 pensions were given to people acknowledged to have actively participated in the 1916 Rising. Of these, roughly 250 were Irish Citizens Army and 230 were women. In other words, approximately 10 per cent of the Rising participants were socialist and 10 per cent were women. How any of them felt about same-sex marriage or Irish Water is unknown.

It would give me great pleasure if the 1916 Rising had been dominated by the Irish Citizen Army and jointly led by women, but it simply isn’t the case.

Despite this, there appears to be a growing belief that Patrick Pearse marched into the GPO with the Proclamation of the Irish Republic in one hand and Caitlin Moran’s ‘How To Be A Woman’ in the other.

The 1916 Rising was essentially a nationalist insurrection. The over-whelming majority of those taking part simply sought national independence. Some were socialists, some were feminists, a handful would later go on to become fascists, but the vast majority believed in the traditional nationalist craze that was sweeping European battlefields at the time like some sort of insane ideological Macarena.

The 1916 Rising was a seismic moment in Irish history, one which undoubtedly changed the future course of this island. Some of those changes were positive, while others were profoundly negative. Any analysis that air-brushes this fact has as much credibility as a North Korean opinion poll.

Even discussing the legacy of the Rising is to lose sight of the fact that historical events are precisely that: moments of their time that should not be viewed through modern lenses. The Europe of the early 20th century was dominated by nationalist thinking, which is why Patrick Pearse could say things like “the old heart of the earth needs to be warmed with the red wine of the battlefields” and still be regarded as a suitable school headmaster and not, for example, an ISIS recruiter.

The simple truth is that you can’t leap inside the minds of the patriot dead to find out their take on the woes of a liberal, democratic state floating in the ocean of an integrated EU and globalised economy because Ireland of 2016 is so completely alien to what they knew.

And, of course, the fact that they were all killed (as per their plan) meant that they never had to stand over any actual policy decisions, which is probably for the best because, let’s face it, Patrick Pearse was an iconic revolutionary but probably nobody’s first choice Minister for Trade.

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This is a Benetton ad and not, as some would believe, a portrait of the 1916 leaders.

Remembering the 1916 Rising as a gender-equal people’s rebellion led by liberal poets may make us feel all fuzzy inside but it also does a disservice to our history by deliberately misremembering an historical moment to comfortably fit in with a modern view of how we would have liked it to have been.

We want the Ireland of 2016 to be a liberal, egalitarian paradise and so we construct a simplified interpretation of the Rising to promote that agenda, ignoring the fact that those who took part came from a huge range of backgrounds and would not all have been considered natural Guardian readers.

The Rising is important because of its place in our history and that’s why it deserves to be commemorated, but those commemorations should not feel the need to glorify it, criticise it or put modern interpretations on it.

Mark it. Reflect on it. Think about it. Celebrate it or complain about it as you see fit.

Just don’t tell me it was about the need to improve cycling lanes in Dublin.

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Does anybody care about the end of the world?

Armageddon movies generally involve flames, guns and lots of panicked people running through the streets as buildings collapse around them.

There’s usually a pretty girl, a heroic man (American, naturally) and occasionally a loveable dog. The threats facing humanity vary but all these movies share one common theme: the people in them are really, really worried about the end of the world.

What you don’t usually see in Armageddon movies is a completely disinterested population flicking through their iPhones and generally doing their best to ignore the impending collapse of civilisation.

The dramatic moment the world’s leading scientists confirm the scale of the threat facing the planet would be sometime diminished if the lead characters read about it on the lower half of page 17 of the ‘world news’ section the following morning and quickly flicked through to check the football results.

Bizarrely, this is the situation we find ourselves in.

Last year the world’s leading experts on planetary health got together and produced this assessment: “Climate change is projected to increase…heat stress, storms and extreme precipitation, inland and coastal flooding, landslides, air pollution, drought, water scarcity, sea-level rise and storm surge…The risks [include] substantial species extinction, global and regional food insecurity, consequential constraints on human activities and limited potential for adaptation.”

Dr. James Hansen, who has spent the last 20 years trying to generate public interest in our own impending doom, was even more blunt when he said that the current levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere – unprecedented in 800,000 years – is no longer compatible with the planet “on which civilisation developed and to which life on Earth is adapted”.

This is remarkably strong language for scientists to use – probably the strongest since Ms. Geoghegan ejected me from biology class and demanded I report to the headmaster’s office in what was, frankly, a stunning case of mistaken identity.

While Ms. Geoghegan proved that scientists can sometimes be wrong, it’s highly unlikely that all of the world’s leading experts who have signed-up to statements like the one above are mistaken.

But we’re just not bothered. There is no other issue in the world so serious that inspires such apathy.

Bored by climate change

The world reacts to the news that we’re completely screwed.

The global apathy towards our own doom is currently being played out in Paris, where political leaders from over 190 countries are meeting to attempt to come up with an agreement to lessen the impact of climate change.

The very fact that they are “attempting to come up with a solution” is illustrative of the fact that many of them really aren’t bothered and would rather push ahead with the destruction project. Like a group of psychopathic nihilists in suits, most of them seem to be using this as an opportunity to water down an agreement that could save us from the fiery pits of Dr. James Hansen’s hell.

The apathy was evident when the President of Tuvalu got up on stage and said that failure to reach a suitable agreement would mean that his country would cease to exist, only for most of the delegates to look like they were being subjected to a Powerpoint presentation at a sales meeting in the Red Cow Hotel. He asked them to “put yourself in my shoes”, which they might have were they not liking each other’s Instagram shots at the time.

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Some of the poor countries have tried to ruin the Climate Summit by talking about their problems. Thankfully, this hasn’t spoiled the party.

Sometimes being a climate activist in Ireland feels a little like being one of those people who wear sandwich boards predicting the end of the world. You end up watching the hands of people you’re talking to in case they’re reaching under the desk for the security button.

Some of the problem is semantics. “Climate change” is isn’t exactly a term that inspires concern. It doesn’t summon our inner Will Smiths. “Change” isn’t always a bad thing. South Africa underwent “Apartheid Change” and everyone was fairly happy about that.

It’s far too understated a word to describe “substantial species extinction”. Maybe if the UN Climate Summit was called the ‘UN What The F*ck Have We Done Summit’ it might have got a bit more buy-in.

It’s not the seriousness that puts people off. People are worried about a whole host of serious things but climate change isn’t seen as an immediate threat, which is of course nonsense. If ISIS ever figured out how to kill as many people each year as climate change does they’d celebrate by kicking back with one of their famous musicless, joyless 6th century cave parties.

Yes, the finer details of climate change are complex, challenging and a little bit boring but so was the Hunger Games trilogy and people still flocked to that like mice onto an unattended slab of Dairylea.

Just because the ultimate effects of climate change – the show-stopping, end-of-days scenario outlined by our scientist friends – is perhaps a century away doesn’t mean that the impacts today are not causing absolute havoc. Tell a farmer starving to death in a barren field in Malawi that climate change is the next generation’s problem and see how he reacts.

Thinking climate change is a far off distant concern is a like saying there’s no need to worry about vomiting blood because it could be years before you actually die from it.

We’re absolutely terrified about disease epidemics and terrorists because they are what we have been trained to be scared of. The side-effects of our slow poisoning of the atmosphere? No thanks. Maybe if carbon dioxide realised awfully produced movies where it paraded the flags of all the countries it plans on drowning we might sit up and pay attention.

Maybe if thought this was a film we might actually show some interest in it.

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